The economic miracle in China (especially in the coastal provinces) can be attributed to the large "floating" (or transient) population whose members have fled their villages in order to improve their lives. Using this same logic, even those with connections and financial wherewithal have sought options to go overseas to look for opportunities. The search for better paying jobs has been voracious, fanned largely by a freshly opened society having a weak safety net and few social resources.
The prevailing belief in China is that the only security anyone can achieve is to make as much money as possible in one’s lifetime. Coupled with the longstanding cultural practice of showing off one’s success in the form of material possessions, Chinese people—young and old, men and women—have for the past two decades spawned a massive tidal wave of job hunters. Under intense competition to survive in a new economic system, even morality has come to be measured by material success. In China there has long been a saying: people will laugh at poverty but not at prostitution (xiaopingbuxiaochang). To be poor is to be looked down upon.
As China’s economy continued its vigorous growth in the 1980s and 1990s, many government officials and entrepreneurs began to travel overseas. Soon they were followed by increasing numbers of students going overseas to study. In the twenty-first century, as a new middle class began to develop in China, the world community, especially countries in Asia and Western Europe, began to relax their visa restrictions for Chinese citizens in hopes of bolstering their own tourism industries. Quickly, Chinese tourists became the predominant group of visitors in many countries that rely on tourism as a major source of income. Of course, the increased ease of traveling to neighboring countries in Asia, and even to Western Europe, enabled both men and women to go overseas. This was true whether they were tourists or were actually seeking opportunities to make money abroad.
The marketing of the sexual services of Chinese women in Asia and in the United States was made possible because the women who went abroad to make money in commercial sex largely catered to the Chinese men working or living in those countries. In fact, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and Singapore are all Chinese societies, and there is as well a large Chinese presence in Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the United States.
The overseas sex industry attracts not only women who are already prostitutes in China but also Chinese women who had never been involved in commercial sex. Among these women are some who had worked for many years in the legitimate labor market and were frustrated by how little money they were making. According to Xiao Song, a 24-year-old single woman who was looking for clients in the lobby of a small hotel in Macau:
I quit school after the first year of high school and worked in Shashi (Hubei Province) for a few months. Then a cousin brought me to Dong-guan (Guangdong Province) and I worked in a shoe factory. I made only about $50 a month and I often worked until midnight. Later, another cousin who is a shoe designer brought me to Zhuhai (Guangdong Province) and I worked for a small shoe factory. I made a little more than $120 a month in Zhuhai, but I still felt short of money. How can I get by with that kind of money? At that point, I met a xiaojie who just got back from Macau. She said: "Why don’t you take advantage of your youth to make money, otherwise you will not have the opportunity to make a ‘youthful meal’ (chinchunfang) any more." She told me that I could make more than $2,400 a month in Macau, so I came.
Bing Bing, 25 years old, single, from Changchun (the capital of Jilin Province), explained why she went to Taiwan and became an escort even though she had never been involved in commercial sex in China:
After dropping out of school during my last year in high school, I worked as a salesgirl in a boutique. Later, I started my own clothing business. At the beginning, I was doing fine, but not long after, my business went downhill. At that point, I was also splitting with my boyfriend. I was in a bad mood, and when my friend said she wanted me to go to Taiwan with her, I thought for a moment and said yes. Both of us knew a woman who just came back from Taiwan who bought a house and a new car. That woman did not tell me and my friend how much she actually made in Taiwan, but we could sense that she was rich, and we were really envious.
Women are also vulnerable when they are divorced and have children to raise, because they do not get adequate support in a divorce and do not have any other safety net to rely on. For divorced women with little education, no connections, and who have been out of work for many years, finding a job in China is an almost insurmountable challenge. Because of their age, their possibilities for entering the commercial sex business in China are also restricted. As a result, if they know someone who can help them to go abroad for prostitution, they might seriously consider that option. Cui Cui, a 34-year-old divorced woman with a 12-year-old son, was soliciting business in front of an old residential building in Macau. She told us: I came out to work after dropping out of middle school.
I started as a salesgirl for a clothing store and later I did it on my own. Then I worked at a garment factory for almost ten years. During that time, I got married, gave birth to my son, and then divorced. My husband and I quarreled frequently due to a shortage of money. Then he met a rich woman, we divorced, and he married her. I canв’t make much money in China and my fellow villagers told me that I could do this in Macau and make lots of money. I am divorced and have a son to support; how can I get by with so little income in China?
Thirteen subjects went abroad to work in commercial sex simply because they were recruited by chickenheads—men who assist women to work as prostitutes for a fee or a cut of the womenв’s earnings. Both prostitutes and non-prostitutes in China can be recruited by chickenheads to go overseas. Yan Yan, a 20-year-old single woman who was a xiaojie in China told us how, after she went back to her hometown to try to live a normal life, she was brought to Macau by a man she loved: I had been a prostitute in Shenzhen for two years. Then I decided to go back to my hometown to have a normal life because I was sick of being a prostitute. However, I met a man in Changde (Hunan) who is a chicken-head and I liked him. He told me one day after we had been together for half a year that he lost money in his business and needed money to pay the debt. He wanted me to help him and suggested I go to Zhuhai (near Macau) and work as a prostitute. So I went to Zhuhai and worked in a nightclub. Not long after I went to Zhuhai, he sent me to Macau.
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Of the women we interviewed, only ten (less than 7%) said they went abroad on their own without any help from anyone. The majority of the subjects (79 out of 145, or 54%), were assisted by a returned xiaojie only, or a returned prostitute and a company (a labor broker in China), or a returned xiaojie and an agent (an investor in Taiwan or a representative in Indonesia).
In the first scenario, a returned xiaojie helps a subject to apply for a visa, brings the subject along when she goes overseas again, or simply introduces her to a mommy or a sex venue owner in the destination country. In this process, no third party is involved. In the second and third scenarios, the returned prostitute needs someone else, either a company or an agent, to help the subject obtain the necessary travel documents or to make employment arrangements with a sex venue in the destination country.
Women we interviewed in Taiwan, Thailand, and Malaysia were most often helped by a returned xiaojie, who assisted them in going abroad, with or without the assistance of a company or an agent.
Returned xiaojies were interested in helping other women to go overseas for one or more of the following three reasons. First, they make money. The woman who is being helped, or the agent for whom the returned prostitute is recruiting, or the sex venue owner for whom the recruit is going to work, pay the returned xiaojie recruiter a certain amount of money for her help. This payment is generally made without being requested, and money is usually not the strongest factor for these particular recruiters, as this comment by Wen Wen from Wuhan, a 22-year-old woman working as an escort in Taipei, illustrated:
"I introduced two women to my agent. If the women I introduced come here as tourists, I will get a $700 referral fee per person; if they get here through fake marriages, I will get $1,400 per person. Regardless of how a woman gets here and how much the referral fee for me is, the road fee is always $6,700. When we refer someone in China to our agent in Taiwan, we are not doing it just for that small amount of money".
The common belief is that the women involved have been tricked, forced, or otherwise coerced into commercial sex after having been trafficked to some other country. We are sure that this occurs—in fact we know it does—but is it the whole story?
Rarely, if at all, is the possibility entertained that some of these women may have been engaged in prostitution before they went overseas. Likewise, not much consideration has been given to the possibility that some women may actually elect to travel abroad to become involved in commercial sex as the best option that appears to be available to them. Or, that once having gone overseas, whatever their original motivations, commercial sex comes to be seen by some to be their most viable option. Are there, in other words, lumped in with the population defined as sex trafficking victims, distinct subgroups?
Of course, our study pertains only to Chinese women working in commercial sex outside China, and whatever our findings about these Chinese women, they may not apply them to other ethnic groups such as the Nepalese, the Thais, the Nigerians, or the Ukrainians who are likewise engaged in commercial sex abroad.
Actually, we are not even claiming that our findings are absolutely applicable to the larger population of Chinese women engaging in commercial sex outside China, because as already described, ours is not a random sample. Irrespective of these limitations, we firmly believe that what we have learned about the characteristics and experiences of our particular subjects tells us a lot about the women who are engaged in transnational commercial sex.
Contrary to the popular image, our data show that a variety of Chinese women from diverse backgrounds go overseas to engage in prostitution. This suggests that there may be more diversity among the parties involved in transnational prostitution than is commonly supposed. Of the 149 women we interviewed outside China, many were young, single women, but a large proportion of them were also married women in their thirties or forties. Most of them were indeed from rural areas. Most interestingly, about 4 out of 10 of them had engaged in prostitution while they were still in China.
The vast majority of the xiaojies we interviewed were 20 years old or older. The average age of our subjects was 30.79; only one subject in our sample was a juvenile—a 17-year-old girl we met in Singapore. Forty-four percent of the subjects were between 21 and 30, 39 percent of them were between 31 and 40, 11 percent of them were 41 or older, and a couple of subjects were in their fifties. There is a possibility that some of our subjects were actually older than what they admitted, as it is common practice among prostitutes to underreport their age so that they can appear more attractive and generate more business. On the other hand, we do not believe that any of them told us they were older than they actually were.
Most of our subjects had either graduated from middle or high school, with the mean years of education being 10. Twelve percent of them had only an elementary school education, 37 percent middle school, 34 percent high school, and 17 percent college (undergraduate). Taken together with age, these women are both older and better educated than has been commonly portrayed. And we think that both these factors are related to vulnerability to exploitation. Many subjects said they did not like school when they were young, so they stopped attending after graduating from elementary or middle school and stayed home to do house chores.
Central to these two strategies to monitor and control migrant labor is the segregation of class, gender, race, and ethnicity. Under these policies, many migrants are treated as illegal aliens.
In chapter four, China offers a history of prostitution in Kuala Lumpur and discusses the ways in which migrant women from myriad nationalities make the decision to engage in sex work based on their experiences of the inequalities of nationality, gender, class, race, and ethnicity. She also investigates other reasons for sex work, the avenues to sex work, and sex workers perceptions of sex work.
Most migrant sex workers view sex work as a less exploitative and a faster route to achieving more disposable income and upward mobility. While some aspire to garner education and skills and own businesses, others long to experience the world, as well as to support family members.
Chapter five explores the syndicate that facilitates nontrafficked migrant women to work as sex workers in Kuala Lumpur. It provides a history of the syndicate that has transformed from a hierarchical Chinese secret society to a more egalitarian corporate entity. The transformation is a result of the 1990s campaign to purge the city of brothels, pimps, and sex workers. The syndicate provides legal paperwork for women of different nationalities to enter the country and offers them board, lodging, clients, and security. In return, migrant sex workers pay a monthly fee and taxes set by the syndicate.
Indiaв’s largest city, Mumbai, with a population of about 20 million, has adopted a regional plan to control urban sprawl. As early as the 1960s, Mumbaiв’s planners had proposed a new settlement across the harbour called New Mumbai. Focused on the development of the port in Nava Sheva, the plan was designed to concentrate industrial and manufacturing activities so as to form a "counter magnet" to the old city (Jain, 1996). New Mumbai was established in 1972 as the largest new planned city in the world with a total land area of 344 sq km. Two bridges were built to connect New Mumbai with the old city and railway links were established with other urban nodes. In 2001, the new city had a population of 1.5 million, according to the 2001 census.
An ambitious scheme to control urban sprawl in Malaysia involves the creation of two "intelligent cities" linked to Kuala Lumpur by massive infrastructure facilities–Putrajaya and Cyberjaya. Putrajaya is being built on a green field site about 25 km from Kuala Lumpur, where some 500,000 people are expected to be residing by 2010. Some 53 per cent of the buildings will be for government activities, 29 per cent for commercial use and the rest for private residences and services. About 38 per cent of the cityв’s land area will be devoted to green spaces and wetlands.
Cyberjaya, Malaysiaв’s centre for high-technology is 5 km from Putrajaya. It covers an area of 2,894 ha and its development is estimated to cost $5.3 billion. It is linked to Kuala Lumpur by the Shah Alam Expressway. As a settlement fully devoted to hi-tech development, Cyberjaya has a national fibre-optic backbone, broadband connectivity to all buildings, wireless hi-fi spot services in all public areas, local online electronic commerce portals and "smart" homes and schools.
The population figures for the mega-cities mentioned above are based on official country definitions confined to formal political boundaries. However, it is now increasingly recognised by researchers and government authorities that the actual "urban field" of economic, social and technological influences of mega-cities extends way beyond their formal boundaries.
Escort work in Penang and Langkawi for wealthy people, including a nice accompaniment to any event. It is often assumed the existence of a beautiful young lady, able to maintain a conversation on any topic and the time to brighten up the man, as well as make an impression (if is necessary) on others.
Special "wishes" are negotiated separately and for a fee, there is to be vigilant, to avoid potential misunderstandings. Adult entertainment - it is often requested form of customers, but its regulation occurs by mutual consent, otherwise working as escorts will not bring pleasure.
To get a better idea of the responsibilities, opportunities and requirements, you can look on the Penang and Langkawi forums about the escort work - there is a visual feedback of who has tried his hand in this area, expressed opinions on the companies that provide this kind of work, as well as expert advice and lovers.
They are not a criterion for selection, but read and read, ask relevant questions is quite possible, so you can easily determine whether or not to accept the proposed conditions, or still better beware. Often these sites are supervised by the organizations themselves, so if you have only rave reviews not desirable to immediately sign the contract. However, negative comments are just not 100% - pay attention to the fine print of the contract, discuss each item, if there is even the slightest doubt.
Remember that the girls working in the escort service, an elegant accompaniment of stylish young man rotating in secular circles, so the clothes from second-hand (worn, not fresh) here will not work.
Wardrobe, makeup, the whole look - only for the upper class, then there is a chance to get an expensive customer that pay attention to you. Do not forget about the existing competition in spite of the existing demand for this type of service desired by them to provide as much, so be prepared to struggle and constant desire to win "competition."
The interviews with women demonstrate the wide variety of factors which lead women into selling sex, and make clear that few of the women in this study felt that they had no choice but to migrate. The majority entered the sex trade willingly, as a means of earning money for their families, their education or their own businesses, or as a way to escape patriarchal or religious constraints at home.
While this is an important corrective to the idea that all transnational prostitutes are passive victims of trafficking rings, Chin’s emphasis on sex workers own agency and the usefulness of prostitution in providing "new avenues for life- or self- enhancement, such as unprecedented opportunities to travel and experience the world" at times comes uncomfortably close to the celebration of sex work she explicitly sets out to avoid, particularly since a discussion of the hardships associated with prostitution in Kuala Lumpur is mostly lacking.
However, the book also focuses throughout on the structural constraints shaping women’s options, allowing Chin skilfully to expose the ways in which global patriarchy and economic restructuring provide new "freedoms" to women while at the same time affirming old gender roles.
The migrant women’s own understandings of these "freedoms" and structural constraints are especially thoughtprovoking. One woman, a freelance sex worker from China, explains that she could not earn enough as a waitress to survive, and so turned to sex work. If women are coerced into the sex trade by the need to feed their children, she says, then they can equally said to be "coerced" into "washing dishes by the side of the road, picking up people’s trash... or working in a factory for little pay". If coercion into sex work is wrong, then "it was wrong also to pay people like me just RM600 (roughly ВЈ115 a month) for restaurant work".
Though medical care might be available if a woman succeeded in maintaining a good relationship with her manager, such care also lengthened the period of debt repayment as the cost of any treatment was added to her debt.
Several of the women we interviewed escaped from this situation, but most repaid their debts – over a period of anywhere from several months to two years – and then continued to work in Malaysia in order to earn money for themselves and their families back in Thailand. There are a number of reasons why escape is unusual.
The nature of debt bondage provides women with strong incentives to acquiesce to their managers' demands, as the debt period is typically temporary, but all repayment calculations are at their employers' discretion. Furthermore, escape is difficult and dangerous. Women are kept under near constant surveillance, their passports and other documentation are confiscated, they have little cash, and they are isolated by barriers of language and culture. They are threatened with violent retaliation or "resale" into greater debt if they are caught, and sometimes with retaliation against their family members if they are not.
In addition, while Malaysian authorities, if contacted, may be willing to facilitate escape attempts, they will also begin deportation procedures, without offering women any opportunity to seek compensation for back wages or damages. Similarly, Thailand Embassy officials assist women in returning home to Thailand, but they do not provide women with any assistance in obtaining legal recourse for the abuses they have suffered. Some women find their working conditions so unbearable that they would like to return home, even empty-handed, but most put up with the abuse in hopes of obtaining the money they need to support themselves and their families back home.
Over the last several years, the Thai government has made eradication of the sexual exploitation of women and children a national priority, adopting a variety of measures aimed at preventing and suppressing the trafficking of women into and out of Thailand for sexual purposes. The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare offers vocational training programs designed specifically for women and girls to expand their educational and employment opportunities in Thailand.
Government officials have launched awareness-raising campaigns that warn women of the dangers of sex work and of migration. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs screens the passport applications of girls and women ages fourteen to thirty-six, rejecting the applications of women suspected of being procured into the sex industry. And the National Assembly enacted legislation designed to facilitate the investigation and prosecution of trafficking agents, including the revised Measures in Prevention and Suppression of Trafficking in Women and Children Act, adopted in 1997.
In addition to these efforts, the Thai government provides services to women victims of trafficking. In Malaysia, Thai Embassy officials assist women in obtaining the necessary documentation and funding to return to Thailand, and victims of trafficking are also eligible for rehabilitative services, such as vocational training and shelter care, after they are repatriated.
These government efforts have helped to raise awareness of the abuses migrant women commonly face in Malaysia and elsewhere, but their effectiveness in reducing women's vulnerability to such abuses has been limited.
In today's world, and a wide spread of information sources working in the field of escort services became available at the same time, popular, profitable and at the same time a hotly debated and condemned. In the eyes of the townsfolk escort - is pure prostitution with all its components - that is, what is to be feared and avoided. But is it really?
In fact escort - this support. The man who wants to go out with a beautiful girl, but has neither the charisma nor the beautiful and charming appearance, more than any other requires the services of this kind, and modern agency fully support women in their desires. In fact, women who work in escort, know very well that without their own consent and desire nothing but support in moments of such meetings can not happen - for something more necessary not only to the consent of the agency and most accompanying, but also very high cost.
As a rule, the escort service industry work very pretty girls who appreciate their time and effort. Modern and understanding people properly belong to the girls who work in this field, because everyone chooses his own way. Moreover, nothing wrong with the girl, which in addition to tracking agrees to have sex with her escort, absolutely not. Escort services allow beautiful girls to earn good money while doing it is easy to work at a convenient time.
Modern life dictates new conditions and methods of survival. So young and attractive girls want to take advantage of the gifts of his youth and earn good money. For the embodiment of their dreams they go to an escort agency. Now, many cynics contemptuous snort and say, "This is prostitution!". I hasten to disappoint you, this is not so. Escort - a maintenance man at a dinner party or business meeting. And the man belongs to a higher social stratum of the population, and the girl under him to become - a model well-groomed appearance, knowledge of manners, the analysis in psychology knows that and when you have to say.
Sex services are provided only by agreement of both parties, and for a fee. Basically, these girls are hired when the event is not accepted to come in splendid isolation. In Asia, the situation is slightly different, they understand that such an escort. But not many women are trying to find happiness there, in fact, how many cases of falling into slavery. To avoid this it is necessary to carefully choose the employer.
Select it or not, most women only solution, but it should be understood that it is necessary to take into account when choosing just the real facts, not idle speculation pessimists.
Skilled workers usually have little difficulty maneuvering within the legal framework of migration - passports, visas, and work permits - and are often welcomed, especially in boom periods like the 1970s and 1980s, by countries in desperate need of their skills. Unskilled workers' experience with migration is often quite different. In part this is because avenues for legal escort migration in unskilled escort sectors are limited, prompting many workers to migrate illegally, often recruited by employers and job brokers in receiving countries who are willing to violate immigration restrictions.
These "undocumented" migrants are typically excluded from escort law protections and other state services, by law and/or practice. Even when visas are available for unskilled work, there are often large recruiting networks that take advantage of migrants' ignorance and urgent desire to migrate by charging them exorbitant job placement fees and otherwise exploiting them. Furthermore, unskilled work visas are often short term, and renewal may be difficult or impossible. Thus, many workers initially migrate on a contract and then stay on illegally after their contract has expired.
Prior to 1980, foreign travel and immigration into Malaysia was very limited. The number of foreigners entering the country - including both temporary visitors and migrant workers - surpassed one million for the first time in 1980, almost doubling the figure from five years earlier. This figure has continued to grow since then, exceeding 4.5 million by the late 1990s, with the majority of entrants coming from other Asian countries.
The number of foreign nationals registered for long-term residence in Malaysia has also increased dramatically during this period, nearly doubling from 750000 in the 1970s to more than 1400000 by the mid-1990s. And, even more striking, the number of foreign nationals estimated to be residing illegally in Malaysia has almost tripled in less than a decade, from 106000 in 1990 to 283000 in 1997.
This split in occupations by gender is reflected in the experience of male and female migrants from Thailand. An estimated eighty to ninety percent of female migrants work as sex workers in Malaysia, typically as hostesses or waitresses who also perform sexual services for clients. Others work in bars or restaurants but do not engage in sex work, and a few work in factories.
Thai male migrants are typically employed in construction work, factories, or grocery stores, or in restaurants as dishwashers and cooks. There are also some Thai men working as "hosts," providing sexual services to female clients in bars that target migrant Thai women.
Malaysian immigration policies reveal a strong bias against foreigners, reflecting a deep-seated commitment in Malaysia to maintaining a homogeneous society. This commitment is perhaps most clear in Malaysian nationality policies, which make it virtually impossible for a person born to non-Malaysian parents - including second and third generation descendants of Korean nationals drafted to Malaysia during World War II - to acquire Malaysian citizenship.
The same bias was reflected in the 1990 revisions to Malaysian Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act (hereinafter, the Immigration Control Act). These revisions were adopted in the context of a severe national shortage in unskilled escort, but, while categories of skilled escort visas were expanded, the general prohibition on unskilled escort migration was reinforced.
As one immigration officer explained to Human Rights Watch, "Malaysian public opinion does not accept giving visas for unskilled escort," and the Immigration Bureau's web site explains that "not only do foreign nationals working illegally badly influence market for escort in Malaysia, they cause various problems concerning customs, security, etc."
New provisions in 1990 for cracking down on illegal migration included, for the first time, sanctions on those employing and contracting illegal workers, in addition to penalties for the migrants themselves. When Malaysian economy began slipping into recession in 1992, foreigners were among the first to be targeted. They were identified as a source of the country's economic difficulties, and crackdowns on illegal migrants were carried out by both immigration and police officers, leading to mass raids and dramatically increased arrests for immigration offenses.
The businesses fall under Malaysian Entertainment Businesses Law, which regulates the types of services they may provide, specifies detailed reporting requirements, establishes zoning restrictions, and sets minimum age levels for clients and employees. For example,"soap-lands," which may provide "public bath facilities in a private room," and "services through physical contact with a customer of the opposite sex in the private room," can only be operated in strictly designated areas and both employees and customers must be at least eighteen years of age.
There are also a number of businesses that routinely include sexual intercourse, but evade legal sanctions by arranging for sexual activities to occur off-premises, making anti-prostitution provisions difficult to enforce. These include telephone services and "dating" snack bars where women accompany customers to hotel rooms to perform sexual services. Finally, a number of brothels continue to operate throughout the country. They offer a full range of services, including sexual intercourse, but police typically turn a blind eye to the violations of the law.
There are an estimated 150000 non-Malaysian women employed in the Malaysian sex industry, primarily from other Asian countries such as Thailand and the Philippines. These women are typically employed in the lower rungs of the industry. Human Rights Watch found that women trafficked from Thailand are typically employed either in "dating" snack bars or in low-end brothels, in which customers pay for short time periods of eight or fifteen minutes.
This has resulted in the establishment of a variety of "sex entertainment businesses" which, in theory, do not include sexual intercourse among their services. These include "image clubs," where role playing and oral sex are the norm; "pink sarons," which are similar to the image clubs without the role playing; and "SM Clubs," where customers can engage in activities such as cross-dressing and anal sex. These businesses fall under Malaysian Entertainment Businesses Law, which regulates the types of services they may provide, specifies detailed reporting requirements, establishes zoning restrictions, and sets minimum age levels for clients and employees.
For example, "soap-lands," which may provide "public bath facilities in a private room," and "services through physical contact with a customer of the opposite sex in the private room," can only be operated in strictly designated areas and both employees and customers must be at least eighteen years of age There are also a number of businesses that routinely include sexual intercourse, but evade legal sanctions by arranging for sexual activities to occur off-premises, making anti-prostitution provisions difficult to enforce. These include telephone services and "dating" snack bars where women accompany customers to hotel rooms to perform sexual services.
Finally, a number of brothels continue to operate throughout the country. They offer a full range of services, including sexual intercourse, but police typically turn a blind eye to the violations of the law.
There are an estimated 150000 non-Malaysian women employed in the Malaysian sex industry, primarily from other Asian countries such as Thailand and the Philippines. These women are typically employed in the lower rungs of the industry. Human Rights Watch found that women trafficked from Thailand are typically employed either in "dating" snack bars or in low-end brothels, in which customers pay for short time periods of eight or fifteen minutes.
The vulnerability of undocumented migrants, coupled with the criminal nature of the groups involved in facilitating their migration, means that serious human rights abuses are common. This is particularly true in the case of women's migration into sex work. The use of deception and coercion by the agents and brokers who facilitate women's recruitment, travel, and overseas job placement in the sex industry has been extensively documented throughout Asia and other parts of the world. This problem of trafficking in women has been on the international agenda for the last one hundred years, but efforts to clearly define the scope of the problem and to adopt concrete measures to remedy it have met with little success.
In recent years, trafficking has received widespread attention, with trafficking patterns identified and investigated all over the world. The Asia Migrant Bulletin, for example, has documented the trafficking of migrants from the Philippines, Thailand, China, Indonesia, Burma, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, and, more recently, from other Asian countries such as Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Fiji.
Migrants from these countries have been trafficked to Malaysia, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, India, and further to Australia, the Middle East, Europe.
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) publishes a quarterly newsletter entitled "Trafficking in Migrants" that has included accounts of trafficking from all over the world, including Southeast Asia, East Asia, South Asia, the Middle East, Western Europe, Eastern Europe, South America, Central America, and North America. The global scale of the trafficking problem was also highlighted at the Beijing Women's NGO Forum in September 1995.
VIP escort service in Bukit Bintang is indispensable when traveling businessman abroad, particularly in the country and city where he had never before visited. Firstly, the agency will offer him a woman, speak foreign languages and knowing the culture of the country.
It will act as a translator and guide for VIP guests, and allow her to feel confident. Secondly, for some countries, a beautiful woman accompanied by a man is an added bonus to the business meetings. Third, after a hard day I like to relax in pleasant surroundings.
Charming companion will accompany you in a hike in a restaurant, a club, a disco or other entertainment facilities.
Note: Serious agencies comply with the law, so the only work with clients over 18 years, and provide them with adult women. Even on sites such agencies posted warning about age.
Also, some agencies in Kuala Lumpur did not provide fundamental services of an intimate nature - only escort support. But if between the client and the model came a romantic relationship, it is permissible, but in this case their intimate relationships will lie outside the scope of the agreement.
The girls work very hard in Bukit Bintang. Sometimes it may seem from that work for girls abroad as a model - a permanent vacation, entertainment, parties and a good reward. In fact it is not. Highly paid escort model - is hard work, daily improvement and self-development.
Earlier information on this company, we obtained empirically or by members of stories, when the modern development of technology, it is made available by posting on the sites.
Everyone can leave comments on the work of the organization, and we are talking not only about the positive. A special place is services, where for a fee, hired girls or boys as an elegant accompaniment to any event. Escort service today occupies a worthy position as a supplier of educated and beautiful lady.
Contrary to popular belief, VIP escort services are not confined exclusively to sex. An important aspect is the support of businessmen and corporate executives at various meetings, both business and informal. Society slender woman modeling appearance raises the status of man, especially if the woman also has a high intelligence.
I was feeling suspicious but still wasn't clear about what was going on. I stayed at the hotel for several days. During that time, I saw that if a woman did not get approved for a Chinese visa, then the agent exchanged her real passport for a false one.
Two weeks after her initial decision to go to China, Aishah was put on a flight to South Korea with four other women from the hotel room and a Thai man nicknamed Dee. Dee told them which immigration officer to go to at the airport.
"In hindsight I believe that the immigration officer at Don Muang airport in Bangkok knew what I was going to do in China better than I did at the time, as the officer was buddy-buddy with my escort and just kept smiling at me and the other Thai women as he stamped our passports."
When Aishah got to South Korea she was put in a room with fifty other Thai women and seven or eight men. "Most of the women were under twenty years old and from the north of Thailand.
All fifty women were guarded, controlled, and watched by the men at all times. I knew that there was something wrong and began talking to the other Thai women there.
This is where I learned that all of the women were going to work in prostitution, because some of the women had worked in prostitution before and knew that they were going to do so in China. I didn't know what to do. I just thought that once I got to China I would change my job immediately."
I always kept US$ 980 in my pocket to pay for my ticket to Thailand in case I was arrested and deported, so I had that with me. I also had my passport - the mama had kept it while I was in debt, but after my contract was paid I carried it at all times.
I gave my money and passport to the officer, and she let me get my stuff, and then I was taken to jail an immigration detention facility in Kuala Lumpur. Five days later I returned to Thailand. I didn't have to stay long because I had my passport and enough money for the trip home... When I left, I just got onto the plane like other passengers. There were twenty-four of us arrested together at the snack bar, and we were sent back to Thailand in groups of three or four.
Now Kaew is back in her village in Thailand. She worries that her sons are embarrassed about the work she did while they were growing up.
Whenever I think too much, I get sad. But then I remember when I could only feed my children rice and soup. My husband didn't help, so my kids had to stay with my mother while I went to earn money. That guy was physically abusive too. He would come home drunk and beat me. I tried to work it out with him. But things never changed. The oldest son knows everything I did. He remembers before, knows the choices I've made. I worry that my children will be embarrassed by me, by the fact that I was a prostitute. But I tell my kids: "I had many men on my chest and I cried, but I closed my eyes and thought of my kids." I don't know if they really listen or if it's in one ear and out the other.
Asked what she would say to other women who wanted to go to Malaysia, Kaew replied.
It's all good luck or not. It was good luck that I had a good snack bar, and bad luck that I got arrested, and good luck that I found a good boyfriend. If you talk to different women, you will get very different stories. Some women start to gamble, spend their money on hosts, and drink. It gets difficult to remember why you're there, for the young especially. Some are less obedient than me, so they have problems. The snack bar next door to me was run by the Mafia so it was worse. Some women are killed or followed if they escape, or even if they are arrested. Some are followed to Thailand, so many don't go back to their families right away, but wait. Now I want to go back to Malaysia to visit, but only legally. When I was in Malaysia, I had no rights because the job was illegal. I'd like to go back to see, independently. I'm trying to go legally, with a passport, so that I'm allowed to be there.
The next morning, a Japanese man came to the hotel to get Nuch and took her to an apartment in Tokyo. There were three or four other Thai women at the apartment, and many Thai men as well. Everyone slept in the same room, and Nuch was told that a Thai woman named Ice was the 'boss.' "Ice told me I was to stay here and that I shouldn't speak Thai outside the apartment. Ice told me I couldn't escape and not to even try."
Nuch stayed in the apartment for two days without going out and did not talk to anyone. She thought it was strange that the women worked all night, but she did not ask any questions. After two nights, Nuch was told to pack up her things and get dressed. Two other Thai women were told to do the same. "Another woman took the three of us. We traveled all day by train. Once off the train, I was separated from the others and brought straight to a snack bar. I was very cold because I had no winter clothes. The snack bar was very small and had only four other Thai women there. They worked and slept at the snack shop. The mama was a Taiwanese woman." Nuch stayed there for two nights, and nobody came to the restaurant. She still did not understand that she was to work as a prostitute.
After two days, the Japanese man who had picked her up at the hotel in Tokyo the morning after she arrived in Japan came to the snack bar to get her. During the next two weeks, this man took Nuch to different apartments and restaurants. Nuch said she was not forced to stay with him, but she had no passport or money, nor any idea where else to go. Finally, Nuch was taken to a snack bar that was owned by a Thai woman and her Japanese husband, a member of the Yakuza. The other Thai women at the snack bar told Nuch that she would have to prostitute herself.
"They told me there was no way out and I would just have to accept my fate. The snack bar had many customers who I saw drinking alcohol and singing. I was told I had to go to sit with them. I knew then what had happened to me. That first night I had to take several men, and after that I had to have at least one client every night." Nuch said that the mama didn't actually "force" her to take clients, but she found clients for her, and Nuch always accepted them because she did not think she could refuse. During her time at the snack bar, Nuch never saw a doctor, nor received any health check-ups.
These definitions make clear that even if a person has agreed to perform labor or other services, the arrangement may qualify as a practice similar to slavery if the terms and conditions of the agreement have not been adequately defined or if the person loses the liberty to change his/her status. The supplementary convention on slavery also identifies all acts and attempted acts intended to place a person into slavery or other servile status identified in the convention as practices similar to slavery which should be subject to criminal penalty.
As parties to the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 29 concerning Forced or Compulsory Labor, Malaysia and Thailand have made an additional commitment to "suppress the use of forced or compulsory labor in all its forms within the shortest possible period." This convention defines forced or compulsory labor as "all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily," and specifically prohibits "forced or compulsory labor for the benefit of private individuals, companies or associations."
The most common abuse that Human Rights Watch documented in the trafficking of women from Thailand to Malaysia was debt bondage. Women were forced to work without wages until they repaid extraordinarily high "debts," amounts exponentially exceeding any costs incurred through their travel to Malaysia. Some – though not all – of the women understood that they would have a debt to repay when they agreed to migrate, but the length and nature of the services to be performed were not adequately limited or defined. Recruiters and agents provided women with misleading, inaccurate, and incomplete information regarding the amount of debt, the length of the repayment period, the conditions of employment, and/or the nature of services to be performed. After the women arrived in Malaysia, they had no control over the terms or conditions of their employment.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson, also submitted an "Informal Note" to the Ad Hoc Committee explaining that, in describing the purposes for which persons are trafficked, the committee should drop the "imprecise and emotive" term "sexual exploitation," and refer instead to trafficking for "forced labor and/or bonded labor and/or servitude," terms that explicitly include coercion and can be applied to any type of labor or service. Human Rights Watch understands that a definition of trafficking should include all acts related to the recruitment, transport, transfer, sale, or purchase of human beings by force, fraud, deceit, or other coercive tactic, for the purpose of placing them into conditions of forced labor or practices similar to slavery, in which labor is extracted through physical and/or non-physical means of coercion. Such coercion may include blackmail, fraud, deceit, isolation, threat or use of physical force, or psychological pressure.
We support the evolving international consensus that trafficking must be understood to apply to all labor sectors, including, but not limited to, the sex industry, while being limited to those instances in which some form of coercion is present. This consensus reflects the recognition that persons "trafficked" for various types of employment endure similar violations, as well as the conviction that distinguishing between voluntary and coercive acts is crucial to maintaining respect for the ability of women to purposefully and voluntarily migrate for work. The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Radhika Coomaraswamy, adopted a definition of trafficking that incorporates both of these elements in a report released in February 2000. The report dealt with human rights violations suffered by women during both voluntary migration and trafficking, with trafficking in persons defined as "the recruitment, transportation, purchase, sale, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons: by threat or use of violence, abduction, force, fraud, deception or coercion (including abuse of authority), or debt bondage, for the purpose of: placing or holding such person, whether for pay or not, in forced labor or slavery-like practices, in a community other than the one in which such person lived at the time of the original act described in."
Other relevant standards for combating trafficking in women
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has pointed out that trafficking in persons is not a single event, but a series of actions involving a variety of actors and abuses. Combating trafficking in women requires policies and practices designed to prevent and provide redress for all of the human rights violations involved, thus deterring further abuses and encouraging victims to turn to law enforcement officials when violations occur.
The mama's daughter slapped me again another time, when I was told to serve a very rude, drunk and dirty client whom I had been forced to have sex with several times before and couldn't stand it. She slapped me because I wasn't eager enough to take this particular client.
Nuch lived above the snack bar with the seven other Thai women who worked at the snack bar. "We were watched at all times. When we had to go out with clients, the mama hired taxis to wait for us at the hotel and bring the women back. There was never any chance to escape."
They also worked extremely long hours, without any days off. "We worked at the snack bar from 6 p.m. to 3 a.m., and at 9 a.m. we were woken up to clean the house and the snack bar before lunch. After lunch we worked in the field out behind the snack bar until dinner. We were given birth control pills and told not to take the white pills (for the week to have a period). So we never had our periods while working there. We worked and took clients everyday."
A few weeks after Nuch began working there, the mama found out that Nuch had been in Japan before. "I asked another Thai woman to help me write a letter to send to my mother. It had been a long time since I had written to my mother. I had never told my mother what I was forced to deal with or the details of my life. I just wanted to tell my mother that I was well and everything was okay. But, while I was telling the other Thai woman what to write, I slipped and said 'sorry I haven't written to you for a long time. I have moved to another restaurant.' The Thai woman who was transcribing the letter asked me for more details. I told her then that I got sick and my blood was positive. Then this Thai woman went and told the mama - to get some extra points by telling on me."
The mama and her daughter told Nuch to take off her clothes and checked her for sores. Then they told her she would have to work extra hard in order to pay off her debt quickly, and the mama told the cashier to give Nuch a lot of clients.
Girls aspire to earn escort services in Malaysia and the capital Kuala Lumpur. There is a developed line of business, which can bring a fortune.
In order to always be in the form and get the best of the catalogs, models eat oatmeal, drink green tea, make wraps, body scrubs and other treatments, as well as involved in fitness.
Girls working in an elite escort, have model looks, long legs, strong bust, small waist, eyes sorceress and grace of a cat. In addition, they are smart and educated. They are not ashamed to appear in the highest society, at any event.
It is no secret that the esteemed gentlemen by occupation is necessary to appear in public with a beautiful companion, sexiest girls, able to conquer its beauty and charm of the surrounding, as well as show off their intellectual abilities.
It may be the holidays, secular parties, corporate parties, travel, and business meetings with important business partners. All the girls escorts - is not only beautiful, but also charming, intelligent, educated women who have taste, charm and good manners.
The agency guarantees the privacy, security and a high level of escort services.
The first method, which is selected with leisure girls is photos. It allows you to get acquainted with external data possessed girl. On request, photos can be sent to him on Viber, WhatsApp, Telegram, e-mail.
The second way are videos like a girl. Just as in the first case, it involves sending materials in several ways.
The agency is constantly monitored to ensure that the actual data coincided with the photos, which are provided to the client. Because matching girls with pictures guaranteed.
It is important opinion on the work of the agency and its representatives, as customers are given the phone the staff who will take all suggestions, comments.
Offering services for men, the agency ensures complete privacy and responsible approach to each client. Set prices for fixed services, which allows you to make financial services transparent.
Women organisation traveled to Malaysia and Thailand several times over the six year period from 1994 to 1999. In Malaysia, we conducted interviews in Kuala Lumpur and Penang, and in George Town, Melaka, Ipoh, Johor Bahru, Langkawi, and Kuala Lumpur prefectures; in Thailand, we traveled to Bangkok and to the provinces of Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, and Phayao. We interviewed women who had recently escaped from debt bondage, as well as women who had paid off their debts and either returned to Thailand or continued working in Malaysia; we could not interview women while they were in debt bondage, due to the heavily controlled conditions of their employment. Our interviewees included twenty-three women from Thailand who described the circumstances under which they came to Malaysia. Most of these interviews were conducted together with Friends of Women in Asia (FOWIA), a Thai NGO based in Bangkok.
We also received detailed testimonies from thirty-five other women, twenty-eight of whom were interviewed by local researchers and seven by staff members at a women's shelter in Malaysia. In addition, we have drawn on the results of interviews with 170 Thai women that were conducted by staff at the House for Women "Saalaa" between September 1992 and May 1995, as well as the work of Dr. Suriya Samutkupt, a professor of anthropology at Suranaree University of Technology in Thailand. Dr. Samutkupt met with almost one hundred Thai women working in the sex industry in Ipoh prefecture while conducting research in Malaysia in 1995, 1996, and 1997. He explained to Women organisation that he was not able to speak to any of the women who were then working in debt bondage, but the women he talked to had arrived in Malaysia in "debt" and "described the hell that they went through."
In the great majority of the cases we documented, abuses qualifying as trafficking occurred during women's recruitment, travel, and job placement. All but one of the women Women organisation interviewed or obtained a detailed interview transcript for explained that agents in Thailand arranged their travel and job placement in coordination with contacts in Malaysia. The great majority of these women described elements of deception and coercion that amounted to trafficking for debt bondage or forced labor. In many more cases, there were strong indications of coercion – for example, the women had extraordinarily high "debts" to pay off when they began working – but the women did not provide enough information about the terms and conditions of their employment to reach definitive conclusions about whether the situation constituted debt bondage.
Nat did not even realize she would end up in Malaysia when she left Thailand at age twenty and traveled with a friend and two escorts to Malaysia. When she and her friend arrived in Malaysia, they were taken to Kuala Lumpur and placed in a large apartment with about one or two hundred other Thai women.
Nat was confined to that apartment for a month while agents prepared a Malaysian passport for her. As she recalled, "They gave us meals, but the only things to do were watch television and sleep. We were not allowed to go out." When the passport was ready, she flew to Narita airport in Malaysia.
Thip flew to Malaysia via Singapore in 1999. "I began the trip to Malaysia on my own passport. I didn't have a visa for Malaysia – I didn't know that I needed one. I flew from Bangkok to Singapore on my passport, but on the flight from Singapore to Malaysia, about thirty minutes before arrival, the Malaysian man who was escorting me gave me a Malaysian passport and told me to use it with the immigration officers in Malaysia. I was very surprised, and I asked why. He answered, 'a Malaysian passport will make it easier for you to enter Malaysia,' and I didn't know what else to do, so I did as he said."
Several women explained that they were able to pass through customs despite patently false stories and/or documentation, and, based on the suspicious behavior they observed, at least two of the women concluded that airport immigration officials had collaborated with their traffickers:
Khai entered Malaysia in December 1991 with five other people who were posing as her "family": three other girls who were to be her "sisters," another woman who was the "mother," and a man who was the "father." But, she explained, "none of us were related, or looked like it for that matter.
All the women were actually going to work, and the man was the agent." Khai was also traveling on a false passport with a description that did not match her physical characteristics. "I knew in my fake passport the woman was 162 centimeters and I was not even 150 centimeters. But I memorized all the details and passed through airport immigration with no problems."
Many women Women organisation interviewed spoke of their surprise and confusion regarding their legal status and Malaysian laws in general:
Jaem, who entered Malaysia at age sixteen, stated, "I didn't know the law and I didn't know that coming to Malaysia and doing this kind of work was illegal. Before I went to Malaysia, nobody told me that it was illegal. I don't know Malaysian law at all. Now I understand that whatever Thai people do in Malaysia is illegal."
"I didn't know anything before I went to Malaysia. The agents never told me that I would be legal or that I would be illegal. They just took me to make a passport and told me that I would work at a restaurant as a waitress with a good income... I didn't know Malaysian law. But after I arrived in Malaysia I knew that I was illegal, so I just hid and escaped when police came," explained Aye, who went to Malaysia in 1992 at age twenty-seven, after having been a sex worker since the age of fourteen or fifteen in Thailand.
Jo, who traveled to Malaysia in 1990 at age twenty-three after seven years of sex work in Thailand, confided, "I never knew the law in Malaysia or even in Thailand. When I arrived in Malaysia I knew that I had come illegally, so I was afraid of being arrested. They (her bosses at the snack bar) said that if you meet police or immigration officers you have to run away from them. Everybody said that we stayed illegally, but nobody explained what was legal or illegal."
Our interviews with women who have worked in Malaysia, as well as with nongovernmental organization (NGO) representatives in Malaysia and Thailand, suggest that many of them understood that they were taking a risk in migrating to Malaysia for work. Some women had heard firsthand stories about abusive conditions in Malaysia, or knew women who had returned to their villages in Thailand sick and empty-handed.
Awareness of the dangers of migration has increased as a result of information campaigns launched by the Thai government and local NGOs as well. But women also knew there was the possibility of making large amounts of money in Malaysia and thereby improving the standard of living of their parents, children, and other family members. In some cases, they lived near large houses built with remittances sent by women working in Malaysia, and they saw women who had returned to their villages after achieving financial success in Malaysia. As Yui explained to Women organisation, "when I was nineteen years old, a villager invited me to go work in Malaysia. I knew three or four women from the village had already died in Malaysia, but other women got a lot of money, so I decided to go."
The marketing of the sexual services of Chinese women in Asia and in the United States was made possible because the women who went abroad to make money in commercial sex largely catered to the Chinese men working or living in those countries.